It has just added to the whole sad mele that is still going on throughout this House and whose outcome is still uncertain.
I do not intend to muck rake. Indeed, I had a rare experience today to do with two people in my constituency to whom I spoke about an article that is being done about the Leas-Cheann Comhairle and I think I surprised them by describing him as an honest, co-operative, old-fashioned, honourable gentleman. I would say the same of my other constituency colleague, Deputy De Rossa, whose party has come in for extraordinary attack in this debate. It is only by the way I say that, but I have shared a constituency with Deputy De Rossa for the 12 years I have been in politics and I must say, in the context of the accusations, there is no doubt about his origins, there is no doubt about his period in prison, there is no doubt about where he started from as there is no doubt about [898] where Fianna Fil and our party started from. Certainly in my experience Deputy De Rossa has been consistent and honourable in his opposition to provisional violence on the ground.
At public meetings where we have seen the Provisionals, Sinn Fin and other groups trying to get a hold on our community, he has fought it on every level. As far as I am concerned, if ever asked, I take this opportunity to say that because the allegations being made seem to be part of the smokescreen from the other side throwing as much dirt around as they can. It is seen for what it is, a smokescreen. They have tried to cast dirt in every direction.
This is a two sided debate. The issues are confidence in the Government, in their performance, and the question of the scandals. I intend to concentrate most of my contribution on the scandals, what they have meant to this country and what we need to do in relation to them. The issue of confidence has been dealt with substantially by our party leader and the substance of his contribution I would endorse 100 per cent.
Deputy Cowen said that the performance of all Fianna Fil Governments was far superior to any other. The performance of Fianna Fil Governments, the ones I have watched, have left a number of questions and can be criticised on many fronts. Remember the GUBU period? I would also point out the problem we inherited in 1983 when inflation was over 20 per cent and I was briefly in the Department of Social Welfare. In that year we had to increase social welfare payments by 25 per cent so that people could have a 2 to 3 per cent increase in real terms because inflation was rampant. Interest rates were at an all time high. At the end of our period in Government they were both down to the levels they are currently at. The huge juggernaut of increasing debt and increasing expenditure had been halted [899] and the stage was set for further improvements with the continuation of the policies we had established. A great deal of work was done. More would have been done, too, had we had a more obliging Coalition partner, and Fianna Fil know the problem with that. There was difficulty there but a great deal was achieved.
The Taoiseach's speech yesterday was an extraordinary analysis of the situation.

I am sure it was honest. It may have been honest. I really cannot analyse the Taoiseach's mind. I never could, I cannot now. The Taoiseach's speech yesterday was extraordinary in the extent to which it was out of touch. He effectively said there was no problem and that this was all due to Deputy John Bruton, in particular, stirring up things. We all know that that simply is not the case. Anyone who moves outside the four walls of this House and circulates in society knows there is a remarkable level of shock and disillusionment among the public in reports to our semi-State sector and our politicians. The public have been steadily losing confidence in politicians over the past two decades but this disillusionment has spread much wider and people have now lost faith in public institutions. These issues have still not been resolved. I should say at this point that I would like to share my time with my colleague. Deputy Durkan.

The Taoiseach's response to restoring public confidence is to simply say that this lack of confidence is not warranted, there is no crisis and the Opposition are simply playing games. The Taoiseach is seriously out of touch with reality and someone should have a chat with him. He is out of touch on his [900] island, his palace and country estate with what people are saying.
Fine Gael, the Labour Party and The Workers' Party did not invent the events of the past few weeks. I remember when these issues first arose. They started on 1 September when the Sunday newspapers reported that Chris Comerford was taking a legal action to recover millions of pounds which he believed were his arising out of various deals in which he was involved during the period he was chief of a semi-State company. In one fell swoop that revelation said 100 things to me and the average Irish person, for example, that semi-State companies were not what we thought they were, semi-State company employees--
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle Jim Tunney 

Miss Flaherty: That is the extent of my reference to it. That revelation simply indicated to me that semi-State companies and semi-State company employees were not what we had generally thought and expected them to be.
It also made me wonder if I was something of a fool trying to live on a Dil salary of 27,000 which, in Irish terms, is quite generous but which, when compared to the figures which were mentioned and not contested - I accept that certain legal elements have to be decided - seems like peanuts. Within a week of that revelation we had the revelation in relation to Telecom ireann. To somebody of my background - a politician for 12 years and before that a school teacher who had a modest north side upbringing these revelations [901] disclosed unheard of possibilities in the creation of companies, avoidance of tax, shelf companies and foreign bank accounts. The week those revelations were made housekeeping work was being carried out in this House - workmen were laying carpets after cleaning them and painting the walls. I felt ashamed to walk by these people who probably earn 120 to 200 per week. The people who are being asked to live on these amounts and who have to support families need to have these issues aired and resolved. I accept that these issues can never be resolved totally, we will never live in a perfect society. I am not saying all the good is on this side and all the wrong is on the other side.

However, we must all acknowledge that there is a very serious problem. By pretending that there is not a serious problem, the Government are doing a disservice to themselves, a serious disservice to society and failing to act as proper public representatives. The public are appalled and shocked at these revelations. They still do not fully understand them and they cannot see them being taken on hand and resolved.
Following those revelations there were further allegations in relation to Bord Gis ireann, Irish Helicopters and Carysfort College. Very little has been done to put these issues right. There is an interesting definition in The Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought of the word "elite". I think some of our problems stem from something associated with this concept. It states that the word "elite" is a "collective noun for those who occupy a position (or positions) of superiority within a society or group by virtue of qualities--

It refers to the elite as distinguished from the non-elite groups within a social order and the divisions within the elite as between a governing elite and non-governing elite. It also states that one of the interesting things about an elite is their relationship to the ruling classes. I believe an elite group have grown up in our society. One of the good things to have come from this is an elitism based only on the capacity to make money. We tolerated its growing arrogance and exclusiveness because we thought (1) that there were no questions about its legality and (2) it would be of benefit to all our society. Indeed, we recruited - I say "we" because we accept some of the responsibility - some of these captains of industry because we thought, as we all did in relation to the Taoiseach, that a man who could make money for himself could make money for the country. One of the lessons we have learned from these revelations is that the ethics of private business and the ethics of public life are very different and that it is at great risk to many things that we merge the two. I should like to welcome the Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Deputy Harney, to the House. Is this a sign of agreement, white smoke?

These issues will be of great importance for whatever Government are in power in the weeks ahead. If we get the changes we are looking for, hopefully these issues will be addressed more urgently. We must seriously consider returning to our traditional view of the public service. We must also consider the appropriateness of the personnel appointed and the ethics, standards and attitudes to which we are giving lip service.
[903] As I said there has been a growth of arrogant, ostentatious wealth and exclusivity. The Taoiseach spoke of guilt by association. I do not wish to be personal, but the Taoiseach's lifestyle - his palace, island, helicopter--

There is yachting in Ringsend so I will allow him reasonable liberty. Serious questions need to be answered. Because there is no requirement for a register of interests for public servants or the source of the wealth of somebody who has been in public life for a number of decades many questions now need to be answered. Even the dogs in the street are saying that these scandals go to the top. This is the public perception and people need to be reassured if we want to restore their confidence in public life.
I want to refer to another point which niggles me - the development of the K Club, whose affiliation fees are kept as high as is possible so that the club can be more exclusive. This is something new in Irish society. We always had wealth, but we had people who knew how to carry it and did not parade it, and who did not have to find new ways of making themselves more distinguished, different and separate. I think some good could come out of this if we called a halt to all these excesses and said that as public representatives we have different standards which must be maintained. Much of what Deputy G. FitzGerald said was extremely important, that business and politics can get too close, resulting in serious damage to both.
The ethos of private business carried into public life does not mix easily and it is an experiment we should seriously question on all sides of this House. All of us - left, right and centre - were involved in developing too close a relationship with the best of motives in mind. That is nothing new in the world. [904] A very serious credibility gap exists. I gather that that term was first used in the United States in the period of President Johnson where both during his campaign and later on there was growing doubt and cynicism. An aide said the credibility gap was getting so wide that they could not believe their own leaks. The most serious problem, they said, was that there was widespread doubt in the public mind about their major leaders and institutions. Regrettably, without pointing the finger, that is where we are now and what is required is that confidence should be restored. It is important that we as politicians state some idealism because what is being hit most in Irish society is any confidence in ideals or in idealistic aspirations in public life.
In 1807 Thomas Jefferson said that when a man assumes a public trust he should consider himself as a public property. It is clear that those who took on public trust recently have not operated in that fashion. A man who has the confidence of the public, has a public trust not to abuse that confidence for any ends, let alone his own.
It is important that if we are to restore public confidence there should be action. The action should include rigorous pursuit of the matters under investigation, reform of the Companies Act, which is already seen to be inadequate; establishment of a code of conduct for all members of Government, Members of this House and for workers in semi-State bodies who are senior employees and board members; committee structures of the House should be established to supervise and monitor adequately every area - we are a wasted resource in that way - and the issue of funding political parties should be considered. I try to avoid demagoguery here or the hitting at soft targets. The final approval of the people is given not to demagogues and, as was said by another American leader, slavishly pandering to their selfishness, merchanising for the clamour of the hour but to statesmen administering to their [905] welfare, representing their deep silent abiding convictions. What the Irish people wish is some restoration of confidence because none of us is happy living in a society that we believe to be crooked and corrupt. Action is needed; I believe a change in Government is needed to achieve that.

